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Urgent: Protect Smart Sentencing Policy February 3, 2010

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Kevin Mannix is trying to take away the additional 10% earned time that non-violent offenders could receive thanks to House Bill 3508.

We need to act NOW if we want to keep Mannix from stealing what we have worked so hard to gain.  We need to write our legislators in the Oregon House and Senate THIS WEEK and tell them that we support HB 3508 (now known as the Safety and Savings Act) and additional earned time.

If you want to participate (and I encourage you all to do so) then you can start by clicking on the link below:

http://safetyandjustice.e-actionmax.com/takeaction.asp?aaid=4441

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Postcard-only Mailing for Oregon Inmates Started Jan. 1 February 1, 2010

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Twelve counties across Oregon, including two of the state’s largest began restricting the mail privileges of prison inmates starting last month.

The Hillsboro Argus reports that Washington and Clackamas counties joined 10 others allowing prisoners to mail postcards only.

According to the newspaper, prison administrators said moving to postcards only will save time, money and personnel, since it eliminates the need to open and check all the correspondence arriving and departing from prisons.

It also will make it more difficult to smuggle contraband into jails, a Washington County prison commander said.

Civil rights advocates were concerned about the cost-cutting measures. The ACLU of Oregon told the newspaper that the policy could further isolate prisoners from their families and society.

Read the full story from at OregonLive.

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2009: A Year of Firsts January 31, 2010

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The following is from Julie Stewart, President of FAMM:

The year is over but when I look back, I feel good about what I see.  2009 was a year marked by several sentencing “firsts” that make me bullish about the future.
1.    Justice Seeks Justice

For the FIRST TIME since the 1980s when unequal mandatory minimums for crack were enacted, the U.S. Justice Department in March announced its opposition to the disparity between crack and powder cocaine sentences.
2. Crack in Cocaine Disparity

For the FIRST TIME in a generation, a committee of the United States Congress acted to eliminate the crack-powder sentencing disparity. The action by the House Judiciary Committee in July was followed by the introduction of a companion bill in the Senate.
3. Not-So-Mandatory Minimums

For the FIRST TIME in more than 30 years, Congress pushed forward a bill that would eliminate mandatory sentencing. This exciting development occurred in July when the U.S. House Judiciary Committee approved a bill championed by FAMM to eliminate the “mandatory” aspect of mandatory minimum sentences.
4. The Right Joins The Fight

For the FIRST TIME since FAMM was founded 19 years ago, conservative leaders testified before Congress in opposition to mandatory sentencing laws.  The witnesses were presidents of two well-known national conservative groups, Americans for Tax Reform and the American Conservative Union. This development was very encouraging as I have long believed that real reform is going to take a bipartisan effort.
5. States Lead The Way

For the FIRST TIME in ages, three states rolled-back mandatory sentencing laws in a single year:  New York’s Rockefeller drug laws took a beating, Rhode Island repealed their mandatory minimum drug laws, and New Jersey will see changes to mandatory school zone penalties within weeks.  In addition, FAMM’s offensive in Massachusetts led to Senate passage of a bill to restore parole – even for those serving mandatory minimums. And most recently, FAMM just launched a campaign for mandatory minimum reform in the State of Florida, home to some of the most egregious mandatory penalties for prescription drug-related crimes.
2009 was indeed a year of many firsts, thanks in large part to your support.  Thank you for fighting alongside us for fair and balanced sentencing.  As we move to 2010, we look forward to making more history together!
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Solicitation for Second Chance Act Grants to State and Local Governments Released January 29, 2010

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On December 22, 2009, the U.S. Department of Justice’s Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) and Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) released the solicitation for Second Chance Act grant applications to state and local governments for adult and juvenile reentry demonstration projects (Section 101). Funding under this section is available to help state and local agencies implement programs and strategies to reduce recidivism and ensure the safe and successful reentry of adults and juveniles released from prisons and jails back to the community.

To download the solicitation or find out more about the grant program, click here.

The deadline for applications is 8:00 p.m. ET on March 4, 2010.

Inquiries about the solicitation should be directed to Dr. Gary L. Dennis, Senior Policy Advisor for Corrections, Bureau of Justice Assistance, at 202-305-9059 or gary.dennis@usdoj.gov. Inquiries about the juvenile-related requirements of this solicitation should be directed to Thomas Murphy, Grants Program Specialist, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, at 202-353-9059 or Thomas.murphy@usdoj.gov.

For more information about downloading the solicitation, applicant eligibility requirements, instructions on registering for the online grant application system, and other application materials, click here.

BJA will issue other Second Chance Act solicitations, including the request for Section 211 grant applications from nonprofit agencies/organizations, at a later date.

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Congress Approves Over $222 Million for Prisoner Reentry Programs January 27, 2010

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On Sunday, December 13, 2009, the Senate approved an appropriations bill for the Department of Justice for fiscal year 2010 that provides $114 million for prisoner reentry, including $100 million for Second Chance Act grant programs and $14 million for reentry initiatives in the Federal Bureau of Prisons. The House of Representatives passed the bill (H.R. 3288) on Thursday, December 10, 2009. The bill provides

* $37 million for reentry demonstration projects under Sec. 101 of the Second Chance Act
* $15 million for mentoring grants to nonprofit organizations under Sec. 211
* $10 million for reentry courts under Sec. 111
* $7.5 million for family-based, substance abuse treatment under Sec. 113
* $2.5 million for grants to evaluate and improve education in prisons, jails, and juvenile facilities under Sec. 114
* $5 million for technology careers training demonstration grants under Sec. 115
* $13 million for reentry substance abuse and criminal justice collaboration under Sec. 201
* $10 million for reentry research under Sec. 245

The House of Representatives also approved an appropriations bill for the Department of Labor that provides $108,493,000 for ex-offender activities under the Second Chance Act and the Workforce Investment Act, including $15 million for transitional jobs for ex-offenders. For more information about the Second Chance Act, click here.
National Reentry Resource Center Launches Website

Earlier this fall, the National Reentry Resource Center’s (NRRC) website launched, providing the field with a first-of-its-kind, one-stop clearinghouse for reentry-related resources. The site provides users—regardless of their familiarity with reentry issues—with information they can tailor to their specific needs. Whether a community-based service provider is looking for the latest research on risk-based assessments, a state legislator is looking for innovative ways to improve reentry outcomes, or a person is looking for employment services for a loved one recently released from prison or jail, the NRRC website offers quick and easy access to relevant materials for various users. The website was designed to provide an array of resources for diverse needs, and all of the information on the site is accessible in just one or two clicks.

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The Admin is back January 25, 2010

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Hi Everyone!

We had a major computer problem around Christmas time.  It took until today to purchase a new computer, upgrade the operating system, and migrate files from the old hard drive to the new one!!

We sincerely apologize it took so long to approve everyone’s comments, but the process has been completed as of right now.   The content will continue now to be updated regularly.

Thank you everyone for your understanding and patience!  We all hate computer problems!

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Calls From Home Radio Program For Prisoners December 4, 2009

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Thousand Kites needs your help to organize the 10th annual Calls from Home radio program for prisoners and their families.  Get involved with using the power of radio to connect families and to speak to those behind bars of our nation’s prisons. Call them toll-free at 877-518-0606 (sing a song, read a poem, and speak from the heart to those incarcerated.)

More information is at their website:  ThousandKites.org

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Your Vote Gives FAMM $25,000! December 2, 2009

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Okay, it doesn’t get any easier than this. Just one minute of your time could be worth $25,000 to FAMM!

That’s right!  There is an unbelievable opportunity to make $25,000 simply by getting people to vote for FAMM.

Chase Bank’s Community Giving program and Facebook have teamed up to give away $25,000 to various charities. The top 100 organizations with the most votes by December 10, 2009 will each win $25,000!  The competition is stiff so PLEASE vote for FAMM today so they can win $25,000!

If you’re already on Facebook, click here to vote for FAMM Foundation and simply log in at the top of the page.

If you’re not on Facebook, it’s quick and easy to sign up on Facebook.com.

It’s really within their reach.  It will be the easiest money they have ever raised!  So please vote NOW.

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Marion County Jail Bans Letters and Parcels November 29, 2009

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Marion County jail inmates soon won’t be able to get letters from the outside. They’ll have to settle for postcards.

Starting as soon as Jan. 1, jail officials are going to limit incoming and outgoing mail to postcards only. Current policy allows letters with no limit on the number of pages.

The policy will save the county money and man-hours spent sorting through more than 1,000 pieces of general mail inmates receive each week.

“We’re not trying to be mean or make people upset,” Marion County Sheriff Jason Myers said. “It’s about efficiency and safety in the workplace.”

Inmates will be required to purchase standardized pre-stamped 3.5-by-8.5-inch postcards from a commissary. The postcards feature a photo of the jail.

The new rules will not affect mail to and from public officials or legal mail.

The benefits of the new policy include decreased traffic of contraband items through the jail, as well as saving time and costs, Marion County jail Cmdr. Jeff Holland said.

The most common contraband item deputies find is pornography, Holland said.

Contraband has “been a problem off and on as long as I’ve been in the business — 23 years,” Holland said.

Each year, the county spends about $60,000 to cover man-hours spent sorting jail mail, Holland said.

“We estimate by going to the postcard system we can cut that by half,” Holland said.

It takes about nine hours per day to process mail, Holland said. That amount of time will be scaled back, and deputies will use the time to patrol the grounds and focus of safety, the sheriff said.

“We’ll be able to refocus the time on safety and security of the facility,” Myers said.

CLICK HERE TO READ THE REST OF THE ARTICLE

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Oregon Prison Food Scandal Exposed November 27, 2009

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Doug Levene wasn’t expecting visitors at his rural Maryland office when a stranger knocked on the door.

A suited man introduced himself with a gold badge — the credentials of an FBI agent.

Levene’s business built on bribery had just come to an end.

For more than six years, Levene, a veteran food broker, faithfully sent money to an Oregon prison executive, buying his way into the state’s $10 million food budget. Now Levene is headed for federal prison, a felon.

He isn’t going alone. Four others also face prison after the unraveling of one of Oregon’s worst episodes of public corruption.

But the man at the core of the case — Farhad “Fred” Monem — lives free, beyond the reach of prosecutors in his native Iran. He is accused of taking $1.2 million in bribes while in his $79,000 a year state job. In return, prosecutors say, he steered millions in state business to food brokers such as Levene.

The broad outlines of the scandal have been revealed in court filings. Now, though, Levene is telling the inside story of how corruption came to Oregon. He agreed to interviews with The Oregonian to publicly acknowledge he was wrong and as an apology to Oregonians.

“I could have stopped it,” Levene said.

His version is necessarily one-sided because Monem isn’t commenting. In recent weeks, Monem told The Oregonian by e-mail from Iran that he wanted to tell his side of the story, but he hasn’t done so.

Levene’s memory alone is the source for his conversations with Monem. Court and prison records support other recollections. Prosecutors wouldn’t comment but noted in court that for two years Levene had provided verifiable information.

This extraordinary look inside public corruption starts off with a mundane tale of chicken.

“I didn’t order this”

In the fall of 1999, Levene was scrambling to save his business.

He had fired key salesmen from his food brokerage, including the man responsible for handling modest business with Oregon prisons. Levene was under pressure to find sales to clear out more than a million pounds of food stacked in warehouses across the country. His business was losing money.

Fred Monem recently had been promoted to chief food buyer for the Oregon prison system. His job was to feed 13,000 denim-clad diners.

Monem called Levene, asking why 11,000 pounds of chicken breasts had arrived at a state warehouse. “I didn’t order this,” Monem said, according to Levene.

Levene said he asked Monem to take the chicken anyway, explaining his dire circumstances.

Monem relented — and then sprang another surprise. What about the millennium steaks? He said he had been promised steaks to feed prisoners on New Year’s night 1999. Levene promised he’d do what he could.

“We found some imported rib steaks” and sent those out to Oregon, losing $8,000 on the deal, Levene said.

Levene said Monem sent in more orders. “He basically saved my job,” Levene said. “He had taken tons of stuff and had not hinted or asked for anything.”

Levene worked on the “spot” market where huge quantities of brand-name goods are siphoned out of normal channels because of imperfections, slow sales or looming expiration dates. The food — still edible — was deeply discounted to move fast.

In May 2000, Levene flew to Oregon. He was stunned by the scale of the Oregon Corrections Department’s operation, based in what was once the Salem distribution center for the giant WinCo Foods chain. He realized the extent of Monem’s buying power.

Monem and Levene had become friendly in regular early-morning phone calls. As best Levene can recall now, he and Monem were out for a walk, perhaps at the coast. They discussed friends and loyalty. They talked business. They talked future orders.

Then, Levene said, Monem made his move.

“Will there be anything in it for me?” Monem asked.

The question didn’t entirely surprise Levene. One of Levene’s top salesmen had once pointed out Monem as a “taker” — someone open to bribes.

Today, Levene acknowledges he broke the law. “I should have said ‘no’ to Fred that day.”

Instead, he offered Monem a share of his profits on sales to Oregon. He said the two men didn’t discuss details. The deal was understood, he said.

A month later, Levene packed up 15 $100 bills and dispatched them by FedEx to Monem’s Salem home.

The packages of cash — typically $4,000 to $5,000 — flowed, as did the deals for Levene. A business losing money badly was suddenly turning a profit. To tease Monem’s Muslim sensitivities, Levene occasionally would package the bribes inside Hustler magazine.

At the time, Monem lived in a modest Southeast Salem home and drove an older pickup. Levene cautioned Monem to not flash his newfound income.

Levene said he scrupulously reported all the income on his tax returns, although he later pleaded guilty to illegally deducting some payments from business tax returns.

He said he paid Monem his share only after deducting enough to cover Levene’s personal tax liability. He faced no tax charges relating to his personal tax returns.

But as business flourished for Levene, trappings of wealth appeared at Monem’s Salem home. He and his wife, Karen, traded up to luxury cars. She started buying expensive clothes and handbags. Levene recalled showing up at Monem’s home to find a big boat parked in the driveway.

“I told him, ‘You don’t need suspicions around you, the raised eyebrows,’” Levene said.

Monem moved the boat to a slip.

Levene insisted that while he and Monem were doing well, so was the state Corrections Department. He said Oregon received good food deals all along — sometimes at break-even rates for Levene. He said Monem insisted on driving down costs.

“My understanding with him was that not every deal would be a home run” for us, Levene said. “If it’s not good for Oregon, it’s not a good deal.”

Both men knew other Corrections Department officials would spot-check the food deals. Yet Monem never feared getting caught, Levene said.

As business bloomed, Monem insisted on a more businesslike arrangement. Levene devised a computerized spreadsheet. The spreadsheet showed what he paid for a particular food product, the price paid by the state and Levene’s profit. Levene would account for taxes and then record the 50 percent kickback owed to Monem.

He faxed the forms once a month to Monem.

Levene started meeting Monem in person to deliver cash. Most often, they met in Las Vegas but didn’t live like high-rollers, Levene said. The men shared suites costing no more than $300 a night. They played quarter slot machines and low-stakes craps.

Levene said he would pack $10,000 to $20,000 in cash in his briefcase. After the men checked in, Levene said, he’d take out the bank-banded money and toss it on the bed. “That’s yours,” he’d tell Monem.

The two talked seven days a week, and the men vacationed together with their wives. Monem served as his best man when Levene married in 2004.

Levene also introduced Monem to three men from Los Angeles. They, too, were food brokers, among Levene’s main suppliers. Levene said one of the men pulled him aside once in Las Vegas and asked if Monem was a “taker.” Levene said no.

But the Los Angeles vendors found out that Monem was, and soon Oregon’s orders to Levene started falling off. Levene found out why by accident.

Revealing phone call

On a fall evening in 2004, Levene and his wife were driving out of town for the weekend when he decided to check his office phone for messages. There was one — a recording of a call made when Monem mistakenly “pocket dialed” Levene from his cell phone.

Levene’s answering machine recorded nearly a half-hour of conversation. Levene said it was clear Monem was in Las Vegas, dining with the three Los Angeles brokers. That explained where the Oregon food sales had gone.

Levene drove to the office and listened to the tape 10 times. He called Monem in Las Vegas to confront him. Monem said Levene didn’t hear what he thought he did, that he had been pushing to get better deals for their own arrangement.

Levene said he didn’t believe Monem but he was trapped. He said his business depended on sales to Oregon, even at a diminished level. And he knew those sales would continue only as long as he kept paying Monem. By the end of 2006, he had sent $600,000 to Monem.

He began compiling a dossier on Monem. Levene said he wasn’t sure what he was going to do with the information. He saw two choices: Confront Monem about his duplicity or turn over the information to authorities.

He didn’t get to make the choice.

The FBI agent in his office that January day in 2007 was following up on tips provided by former employees of the Los Angeles operation. Levene initially denied any impropriety, but he was caught.

At that moment, across the country, investigators searching Monem’s home found the spreadsheets Levene had faxed, meticulously detailing every bribe.

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